Social Studies Education

10 Commandements laws are about education, not evangelization

In an op-ed for Kentucky Today, I defended Louisiana's new law mandating the display of the 10 Commandments in classrooms in K12 schools and public universities:

Making sure every student is aware of the Ten Commandments is not an attempt to indoctrinate them into a specific religious belief. As evangelism, such an effort would be clumsy and ineffective. The Ten Commandments law is, rather, about forming students with an accurate historical understanding of the American system of government and its patrimony...

Louisiana’s Ten Commandments law, like Kentucky’s before it, does not infringe on any student’s right to believe whatever they choose about any religion. But it does recognize that students need to know the history of their government, and the civilization from which it emerged, and the religious ideas that informed it.

Read the whole thing here.


Toward a conservative vision of education

Heritage

Earlier this week I was honored to join some of America's most prominent conservative education reformers in Phoenix, Arizona at the invitation of the Heritage Foundation. The Conservative Vision of Education conference featured leaders in K-12 and higher education, policy experts, and advocates. I attended in my role as policy advisor to Commonwealth Educational Opportunities. As the conference name implies, the gathering was meant as the first step toward articulating a compelling vision for education reform based on conservative principles.

Heritage President Kevin Roberts and Education Research Fellow Jason Bedrick framed the day's discussion by pointing out how conservatives have long been known for things they are against in education (federal overeach, divisive ideological content in schools, etc.), but other than school choice have sometimes struggled to articulate what they are for in ways that have consistently resonated with voters and policy makers. This is not because conservatives are short on education policy ideas, however, but perhaps because we've not attempted to ground those ideas in a clear and comprehensive understanding of what education is and what schools are for.

In his opening remarks, Roberts said that a conservative vision is closely tied to the conviction that education is for the formation of a virtuous citizenry that has gratitude for its cultural inheritance.

Three broad topics framed the day's discussion:

  • What is the proper role of STEM subjects in classical education?
  • How can we promote rich content as a complement to science-based reading instruction?
  • How do we transmit the best of our cultural heritage, especially in history and civics education, to today's youth?

Presenters with content expertise in each question provided background information and context, and then conference participants engaged in a vigorous discussion. At risk of oversimplifying the diverse and nuanced range of perspectives that surfaced, I think the rough consensus on the above questions were as follows:

  • Student mastery of applied science and math (as in technology and engineering) is a natural byproduct of a strong foundation in the humanities and advocates of classical education should not shy away from STEM, even as we recognize that a solid foundation in the liberal arts helps mitigate against the pure utilitarianism that is often associated with STEM subjects.
  • Rich, literature-based curricula are essential for promoting student mastery and the necessary complement to the phonics instruction that figures prominently in science-based reading strategies. Conservatives should advocate for improvements in state education standards and especially the local adoption and implementation of strong, comprehensive, content-rich curricula.
  • Conservatives should not shy away from contrasting our view of Western Civilization with that of liberals. We should own that we want children to learn the best (and worst) features of our cultural inheritance, but generally be proud of our country and especially the moral and political virtues upon which it was founded.

The conversation was exciting and suggested a wide range of new directions and important questions for conservative education policy. There was insufficient time to turn all of those insights into an organized vision, but follow up activities will seek to condense the discussion into a more coherent manifesto. Personally, I had several takeaways that will inform my own work on education reform in Kentucky.

First, as I've written before, classical education is the most exciting development in the K-12 realm, but we must find ways to take the lessons of classical learning and apply them to traditional public schools. I haven't given up on the idea of a traditional public school district embracing classical education outright, but I believe for every district, we should insist on the implementation of content-rich curricula. Teachers should not be making daily decisions about what gets taught in their classrooms. Rather, schools should adopt curricula that clearly lay out the instructional materials for every grade with a strong emphasis on science, social studies, and rigorous math and science materials. Kentucky should continue to review and improve its standards, but the state should also review and recognize comprehensive curricular programs (Core Knowledge would be a good one) and incentivize districts to adopt and implement them.

Second, we should partner this emphasis on rich content with an expansion of Kentucky's science-based reading initiative. Every teacher and administrator in the state should be required to participate in LETRS, or some similar, rigorous professional development focused on the science of reading. Every university teacher education program should be required to teach this approach to reading and pre-service teachers should be assessed on it.

Third, conservatives should relentessly push for more school choice programs so that families and educators have an opportunity to offer more innovative education options, including classical learning, to every family. In Kentucky this year, that means promoting the constitutional amendment that will free legislators to adopt school choice policies without the interference of anti-school choice judges. Beyond, it means fighting to push the legislature to adopt the most robust school choice policies possible. School choice empowers parents to make schools more accountable to their child's needs, and to conservative values.

Finally, the work started by the Heritage Foundation this week should continue as we ground all of our policy efforts in a clear philosophical viewpoint about the meaning and purpose of education. This is, in part, the way I framed it recently:

Conservatives and liberals have very different views of the purpose of education. For conservatives, education involves the passing down of a civilization from one generation to the next, handing on values, ideas, and institutions that our forefathers found valuable. As G. K. Chesterton put it, “Education is simply the soul of a society as it passes from one generation to another. It is the transfer of a way of life.”

Of course, conservatives do not hold that everything from the past is worth conserving, nor that our institutions are never in need of updating. Repairs to our institutions must be made both because there is inevitable decay in the best of institutions due to human nature and because some institutions have proven unworkable or unjust over time. But conservatives seek to make repairs to institutions, causing as little damage to traditions as possible. Education is also about forming young people to not just honor the past, but to lead changes in the future that restore our social institutions to the original and enduring values of our culture.

And more fundamentally, conservatives believe that the primary purpose of education is to form young people for lives of virtue. Conservatives have a realistic understanding of human nature. We are born as fallen creatures in need of formation. Conservatives also believe in an enduring moral order that can be accessed through a combination of faith and reason and we can learn to better conform our lives to that enduring order. Schools in their various forms exist to help parents in their vocation of forming their children in just such a way.

That’s the conservative vision of education.

Conservative policy makers, political leaders, and education activists should regularly express our understanding of the goal and purpose of education and how it contrasts with that of progressives and liberals, who see education as either a purely utilitarian pursuit to train students to be good consumers or as a method of training them to dismantle the very foundations of Western Civilization. Parents and voters understand these differences, and we can make great headway in promoting conservative education policy by making them clear.

Related posts:

 


Conservatives, Liberals, and the Purpose of Education

Conservatism

Yesterday I posted about my recent speech "A Conservative Reclamation of Education." At least part of that talk was inspired by my reading of Yoram Hazony's 2022 book, Conservatism: A Rediscovery. I wrote about this book for the website Imaginative Conservative back in March 2023. An excerpt:

Of course, an appreciation for individual freedom is also a premier value to conservatives of the Anglo-American tradition, but for them personal liberty is situated into a larger framework of sometimes competing social obligations and purposes for government.

According to Dr. Hazony, “Many of us learned something like this view of the political world from our parents and grandparents, or from the Bible and religious community to which we belong,” though not likely from our education in secular, government-run schools (p. 101). But if civilizations, including those that value freedom and democracy, are to persist across the ages, children must learn to honor the past that gave rise to those values in the first place.

Honor is a concept that appears across all human societies, Dr. Hazony argues, and “We find that there can be no conservative society – by which I mean a society capable of conserving any teaching or text, institution or form of behavior, so that it persists from one generation to the next—unless it is permeated throughout by a concern and regard for honor” (p. 118).

This begins with helping children learn to honor their actual, biological parents, as the family is “the training ground for one’s participation in all other hierarchies, whether one has joined them by consent or not” (p. 131).

Read the full essay here.


The Conservative Reclamation of Education

NKYTPI was recently invited to speak to the Northern Kentucky Tea Party on Kentucky's proposed school choice constitutional amendment. My friend and colleague Dr. Thomas Davis, president of Commonwealth Educational Opportunities (where I serve as a policy advisor), gave an update on the current legislative landscape, and then I situated my comments within the larger context of education in Kentucky and America. I titled my remarks "The Conservative Reclamation of Education."

I tried to offer a definition of "conservative" based on the ideas of political philsopher Yoram Hazony, explain how conservatives and liberals see the purposes of education differently, and argue why conservatives must reclaim education institutions for their original purpose. I also tried to describe what a conservative reclamation of education looks like in practice and policy. Excerpt:

Conservatives and liberals have very different views of the purpose of education. For conservatives, education involves the passing down of a civilization from one generation to the next, handing on values, ideas, and institutions that our forefathers found valuable. As G. K. Chesterton put it, “Education is simply the soul of a society as it passes from one generation to another. It is the transfer of a way of life.”

Of course, conservatives do not hold that everything from the past is worth conserving, nor that our institutions are never in need of updating. Repairs to our institutions must be made both because there is inevitable decay in the best of institutions due to human nature and because some institutions have proven unworkable or unjust over time. But conservatives seek to make repairs to institutions, causing as little damage to traditions as possible. Education is also about forming young people to not just honor the past, but to lead changes in the future that restore our social institutions to the original and enduring values of our culture.

And more fundamentally, conservatives believe that the primary purpose of education is to form young people for lives of virtue. Conservatives have a realistic understanding of human nature. We are born as fallen creatures in need of formation. Conservatives also believe in an enduring moral order that can be accessed through a combination of faith and reason and we can learn to better conform our lives to that enduring order. Schools in their various forms exist to help parents in their vocation of forming their children in just such a way.

That’s the conservative vision of education.

You can watch the talk at the link here. Thomas goes first and I come up around the 16 minute mark.

Usual disclaimer: The views expressed on this website are mine alone and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of my employer, organizations with which I am involved, or anyone affiliated.


From Socialist Teacher to Conservative Professor

This essay was originally published on the website The Chalkboard Review on December 8, 2020. Sometime in 2022 the website was purchased by new owners who, without notifying me, removed all of my published essays. Given that the website operator has failed to respond to my inquiries about this removal, I can only conclude that my essays were deleted because of the philosophical or policy content. Therefore I am reposting these essays here.

Geographically, I have not traveled far as an educator. While I have lived away for a period of years, the university where I now serve as professor of education administration is the in the same town where I began my career as a social studies teacher at a nearby middle school 24 years ago. I live just 25 miles from where I grew up, the son of an elementary school teacher who never anticipated his own career as an educator.

Philosophically, though, my journeys have been broad, from socialist to libertarian to conservative. My core values have, by and large, never changed, but my understanding of how to effectively enact those values, especially in public policy and particularly in education, have shifted considerably. In a time when teachers unions and other forces within the education establishment try to pretend educators are monolithic in their (progressive to leftist radical) political views, it is more important than ever to tell our personal stories of dissent against the myth that teachers all share common views of school choice, pension reform, accountability, or even the purpose of education itself.

My parents were hard-working Baptists. There were socially conservative but between my factory worker father’s New Deal, labor-focused life experience and my schoolteacher mother’s Civil Rights era progressivism, by high school I had inherited a pretty ferocious left-leaning view of the world that made me decidedly liberal for our little Southern town. It was all deeply imbued with the Christian Social Gospel, a concern for justice and fairness for “the least of these, my brothers.”

When I started reading political theory in late high school, I discovered a strain of socialism that portended to be “democratic” and I was soon a dues-paying member of the Democratic Socialists of America. Contemporary socialist star Alexandria Ocasia-Cortez was in diapers at that point in time. Outside a small circle of left-wing political nerds, no one knew who Burlington mayor turned congressman Bernie Sanders was, but I did. I was reading Dissent, Mother Jones, and In These Times, organizing student groups to protest the Persian Gulf War of 1990-91, writing screeds that I tried to pare down as op-eds for the college newspaper, and wondering how I could make a living as a professional agitator with a degree in philosophy and religious studies.

After a year of graduate school studying religious ethics, I was looking for a way to be more “in the trenches” serving “the people” while also devoting time to writing and activism, and that’s when I first considered becoming a teacher. A few semesters later I had turned a minor in history into a certificate and was teaching middle school.

The year was 1996. A well-read libertarian friend was poking holes in my socialist worldview and I started picking up copies of Reason and Liberty magazine. The charismatic and well-spoken Harry Browne was the Libertarian Party candidate for president that year and he deeply impressed me. But the most important factor in me giving up socialism was becoming a public school teacher.

I was in a great school, but even as a first-year teacher, I immediately saw the enormous waste and inefficiencies of the system. I saw how many children were being poorly served, despite the best efforts of many teachers, because a government monopoly inevitably tends toward one-size-fits-all solutions that ultimately leave untold numbers of kids behind. I saw how unprepared I was a teacher for what my students really needed, how weak and inconsistent the curriculum was across classrooms, and, sadly, I saw incompetence on the part of some portion of my colleagues that was routinely ignored by school leaders and defended by their unions or professional associations.

I loved my job, but I could see that the public school system was deeply flawed, and its flaws mirrored virtually all of the bureaucratic, top-down, impersonal structures of socialism that were supposed to bring about equality of outcomes and peace on earth but never did, and in fact had historically wrought misery.

Over the next decade or so I drifted from right-libertarianism to left-libertarianism and back depending on which party held political power and what the major issues of the day were. I loved the clean, logical consistency of libertarianism even though I knew well there wasn’t a single place in history where such a system could be found in practice. But the realities weren’t that important because I was childless and busy building a career and had little time for practical politics anyway. My plans to be a professional rabble rouser quickly gave way to a new trajectory. I moved rapidly from teaching into school administration, eventually landing in a district-level role, earning a PhD along the way.

My views began to shift again when I started a family and became a professor at the college where I had earned a bachelor’s and master’s degree. I want to avoid over-generalizing because there is still much I admire in libertarianism, but it is a philosophy that tends to assume humans are totally free and unencumbered individuals just sort of floating in space until they voluntarily choose to associate with others for mutual benefit, or until someone else’s will is imposed on them, which always involves violence and something akin to slavery.

I did not find that view of the human person or of society particularly helpful as a parent. My children and I are bound together by love, yes, but also of necessity and nature. We don’t choose our families, and families are the most basic and necessary structures of human society.

Atomized individuals can’t effectively raise kids. Strong, intact families matter, something I had already observed in my own students. Whether their own families attend or not, healthy kids need lots of people in their community to regularly attend churches that actually press them to become better human beings and not just feel good about themselves (what sociologists Christian Smith and Melinda Lundquist Denton called “moralistic therapeutic deism,” the de fact religion of most American Christians). Successful families also need strong neighborhoods, vibrant communities of voluntary associations like sports leagues, church youth groups, and civic organizations that engage people in service to and with their neighbors.

All of these “intermediate institutions,” as the great conservative sociologist Robert Nisbett called them, have experienced enormous decay over the generations in ways directly related to the hyper-individualist, Progressive-driven, endless expansion of government on the one hand and the classically liberal/libertarian, all-mighty free market on the other, aided and abetting by a militantly secular (and later I would discover, Marxist) shift in Western culture itself.

I saw all of this first hand as a parent and as an educator. It didn’t happen overnight, but one day I woke up and knew I was a conservative in the sense that Russell Kirk understood the word. Tradition and values matter in preserving a civilization worth handing on to our children.

Kirk saw conservativism as an attitude and disposition more than a political program. But the conservative worldview has real policy implications, and I saw those more clearly than ever in education. From the professional protection and distance of a tenured university professorship, I began pursuing education policy work, especially around the issue of school choice. These efforts led to my involvement as a policy advisor and supporting scholar for state-level education reform groups, and eventually to an appointment on the state board of education.

The education establishment in my state, desperate to maintain its monopoly, has ferociously fought back against any effort to expand education choice for families yearning to give their children a different option. Thus far school choice supporters have lost more battles than we’ve won, but every day momentum builds, especially as parents have become more aware of how their children are doing in school during COVID and how every kid has unique needs not just any school can meet.

But conservatives have more to contribute to education policy than just school choice. The excellent collection of essays issued earlier this year, How to Education an American: The Conservative Vision for Tomorrow’s Schools, makes clear that conservatives should care not just how education is delivered, but about its actual content.

In my own experience, far too many schools, whether public, private, or charter - and far too many educators, including conservatives - have implicitly or explicitly adopted the attitude that education is all about vocational preparation: how we sort kids toward careers and train them in work habits that will make them productive contributors to the economy.

Certainly, this is an important goal for our schools, but it neglects the much older purpose of education, and one that is deeply connected to the cultivation of culture and the protection of our civilizational heritage. The first goal of schooling is to help families and communities cultivate virtuous citizens. The classical sense of liberty is to be free enough of selfishness that one can actually choose the good, the true, and the beautiful. And this should once again be the self-conscious goal of schools.

Along these lines, I have increasing turned my attention toward the dearth of meaningful instruction in social studies, science, and the arts, especially in early grades, and how standards and curricula in those subjects can be improved for all schools. I have argued that schools should not be shy about training students to be critical patriots, capable of loving their country even as they recognize and understand her many flaws. The battle for school choice definitely goes on, but there’s a battle to be fought for higher quality learning in all schools, no matter who they serve.

With such a journey from socialist to libertarian to conservative, is there a chance my views will change yet again in the future? I certainly hope I continue learning new things, appreciating new perspectives, and growing in wisdom.

What seems clear to me is that for the most part, my values have not changed in all these years, but only the means by which I think we best get there. I maintain the same commitment to equality of opportunity as I did as a loud, young, socialist teacher, but now with a much greater appreciation for the role that robust institutions of family, church, local communities, civic organizations, and other structures of civil society play in accomplishing those goals – and a deep concern to guard them for the future generations.

Meanwhile my intellectual past gives me a common language with – and a great deal of understanding and compassion for – those who occupy the political and philosophical spaces I used to tread. Though we may differ about tactics, I still believe the vast majority of educators share the same goals for what our schools should accomplish, and so there is much work to be done through constructive disagreement, and I still welcome that conversation.


KY General Assembly 2022 Education Recap

KY_State_Capitol

The 2022 Kentucky General Assembly concluded its work last month. The Republican-dominated legislature made record financial investments long desired by the education establishment, but failed to pass all but the most modest bills that would further empower Kentucky parents with more choices and stronger voices in their children’s education.

The budget passed by lawmakers and signed by Governor Beshear invests billions of general fund dollars into Kentucky schools for each of the next two years. That investment includes $130 million to fund full-day kindergarten classrooms (almost all districts already provide full-day kindergarten but pay for half of it from local funds). The budget also includes $274 million in transportation funds, another major expense that local districts have been subsidizing themselves for years. Both of these provisions have been top priorities for educators since at least my own years of service on the Kentucky Board of Education (2016-2019).

The budget also fully funded the Kentucky Teacher Retirement System, allocating more than $2 billion over the biennium, far more than the actuarial amount required by law, and raised the base state education funding allotment to a record level of $4,100 per pupil per year next year and then $4,200 per pupil the following year. Millions and millions of dollars of new funds were approved for career and technical education, gifted and talented programs, early learning, and Family Resource-Youth Service Centers (FRYSC).

The left-leaning education establishment has long (and falsely) painted the Republican majority in the General Assembly as anti-education meanies, and in their typical fashion, I did not see much public gratitude to lawmakers for their lavish beneficence. In fact, some teachers took to social media to lambaste lawmakers for not also mandating a teacher salary increase like they provided for state employees.

These educators are barking up the wrong tree. The many millions of dollars local districts will now save on kindergarten and transportation can certainly be used for salary increases if local boards of education want to use those funds accordingly. A little gratitude seems in order here.

I’ve never objected to overall increases in education spending, though I don’t see any evidence doing so will have any meaningful impact on student learning if those dollars are spent indiscriminately. And I have never favored pouring more money into the system itself without greater accountability to parents through school choice. We ought to be finding ways to fund students, not systems.

Sadly, this year’s General Assembly passed up the opportunity to make significant strides in that direction. HB 305 would have corrected problems in last year’s education opportunity accounts law, but House leaders refused to even place it in committee for a hearing. And while HB 9 started out as a strong bill to restore charter school funding and improve authorization, the version of the bill that was ultimately passed (over Gov. Beshear’s veto of course) is likely the weakest charter school law in the country.

Other policies that would further empower parents and the public met similar mixed results with this general assembly.

SB 1 shifted principal hiring and curriculum decisions away from unaccountable School-Based Decision-Making Councils to the local district superintendent. That is a step in the right direction because at least superintendents are accountable to locally elected boards of education.

But far too often those local boards defer blindly to the recommendations of education bureaucrats or powerful adult interests like teachers’ unions. HB 121, which passed without the Governor’s signature, requires every regular local board of education meeting to include at least 15 minutes of public comment. That’s good, considering that some districts had stopped allowing the public to speak at their meetings when local citizens started voicing concerns about critical race theory (CRT), mask mandates and other topics.

SB 1, through its merger with SB 138, also addressed – in an indirect way – widespread public concern about CRT by improving the state’s social studies standards. Rather than restricting CRT, SB 1 stipulated  certain concepts that should be included in Kentucky social studies classrooms, including a set of important historical documents that previously did not appear in the state’s standards.

Again, this is a step in the right direction, and I think SB 138 avoids some potential unintended consequences of some of the other CRT-related bills. But it will not stop political indoctrination from taking place in Kentucky classrooms. To address that issue – which ultimately must be done at the local level - Kentucky needs to further empower the public to have direct access to the instructional materials being used in classrooms. Transparency provisions like this got no consideration from this General Assembly.

Likewise, lawmakers failed to protect parental rights over their children when it comes to health-related mandates. HB 51 would have given parents the right to opt out of school district mask and vaccine mandates. This bill passed the House but was not heard by the Senate.

What this legislative session suggests is that except for wildly popular (and justified), red-meat conservative issues like requiring Kentucky athletes to play sports according to their biological gender (SB 83), so-call conservative Republicans routinely demur when it comes to standing up for parents and the public against the education establishment.

This is bewildering because kowtowing to these groups will never earn their support when it comes election time. The establishment will always and forever favor Democrat candidates who just parrot their endless calls for more money and less accountability. School choice, educational transparency, nonideological instruction, and freedom from mandates are popular, not just within the Republican base that elects these lawmakers, but among voters in general.

The lessons of the 2022 General Assembly are clear: all the meaningful arguments in Kentucky policy are taking place on the right side of the political divide, and time and again the political establishment is siding with the education establishment. Voters are going to have to exercise a political solution if they want to see more common sense, transparency, choice, and accountability in the state’s education system.

Image: RXUYDC, Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons


SB 138 strikes the right balance in addressing CRT, social studies standards

I've written extensively on this blog and elsewhere about the legitimate need for parents and the public to confront the risk of critical race theory (CRT) being taught in Kentucky's schools, and also about deficiencies in the state's social studies standards. A bill currently under review in the Kentucky Senate makes major strides to address both of these issues and is worthy of the public's support.

As with many other states, multiple bills have been introduced in the Kentucky legislature this year that limit the way certain concepts related to critical race theory can be featured within instructional materials in public schools. These bills reflect a legimitate concern, because the assumptions of CRT are poisonous, ahistorical, and contrary to the founding principles of the United States and the values of most Kentuckians.  Schools should not promote these assumptions to students as fact

But there is another legitimate concern, expressed by many educators, that these bills could have the unintended effect of stifling meaningful classroom discussions about race and the role racism has played in the history of our country. I personally believe that these bills are not intended in any way to have this effect, or that they actually would in practice based on the way they are written. 

SB 138, sponsored by Sen. Maxwell Wise, chair of the Senate Education Committee, avoids this risk by stating in positive terms the underlying assumptions upon which the Commonwealth's social studies standards should be based, rather than outlining a list of assumptions that should not be featured in any school's curriculum. These core concepts include the following:

(a) All individuals are created equal;
(b) Americans are entitled to equal protection under the law;
(c) An individual deserves to be treated on the basis of the individual's character;
(d) An individual, by virtue of the individual's race or sex, does not bear responsibility for actions committed by other members of the same race or sex;
(e) The understanding that the institution of slavery and post-Civil War laws enforcing racial segregation and discrimination were contrary to the fundamental American promise of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence, but that defining racial disparities solely on the legacy of this institution is destructive to the unification of our nation;
(f) The future of America's success is dependent upon cooperation among all its citizens;
(g) Personal agency and the understanding that, regardless of one's circumstances, an American has the ability to succeed when he or she is given sufficient opportunity and is committed to seizing that opportunity through hard work, pursuit of education, and good citizenship; and
(h) The significant value of the American principles of equality, freedom, inalienable rights, respect for individual rights, liberty, and the consent of the governed.

These are reasonable, unifying concepts, consistent with the principles of the American Founding, that the vast majority of Kentuckians would agree are fundamental to our prosperity and freedom, and that should be part of the education of every American.

SB 138 makes explict that none of the above should be construed to limit instructional materials or lessons about the following:

(a) The history of an ethnic group, as described in textbooks and instructional materials adopted by a school district;
(b) The discussion of controversial aspects of history; or
(c) The instruction and instructional materials on the historical oppression of a particular group of people.

This subsection of the bill should put to rest any concerns that it would "whitewash" the teaching of American history .

SB 138 goes on to require the Kentucky Department of Education to update the state's social studies standards to include a list of important historical documents, including the Declaration of Independence, selected Federalist Papers, the Bill of Rights, the Emancipation Proclamation, the Declaration of the Rights of Women, and Martin Luther King's "I Have a Dream" speech and Letter from the Birmingham Jail, among others. 

Again, these are documents we should all agree are essential to the American experience and with which all Kentuckians should be familiar. Sadly, Kentucky's current social studies standards mention almost none of these documents

More work needs to be done to address the deficiencies in the state's social studies standards, but SB 138 represents a huge step in the right direction. 

SB 138 also requires the discussion of all controversial topics to be age appropriate, "nondiscriminatory, and respectful to the differing perspectives of students" and prohibits schools from requiring or rewarding a student to "advocate in a civic space on behalf of a perspective with which the student or the parent or guardian of a minor student does not agree."

Finally, SB 138 prohibits schools and districts from requiring employees to "engage in training, orientation, or therapy that coerces the employee to stereotype any group."

SB 138 is a reasonable piece of legislation that addresses a number of legitimate problems in education. The bill has passed out of committee and is awaiting approval by the full Senate before going on to the House of Representatives for further consideration.

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Kentucky's social studies standards get a "C"

Cover-civics-010The Thomas B. Fordham Institute recently issued a report that grades every state based on the quality of the social studies standards teachers are supposed to use to guide instruction in K-12 schools. Sadly, Kentucky’s social studies standards earned a “C,” with significant revisions strongly recommended.

Fordham rated each state’s standards in two areas: civics and history, identifying strengths and weaknesses in both domains. For both areas, Kentucky earned a C.

In terms of civics, reviewers found that many of Kentucky’s civics standards were too vaguely written to provide useful guidance to teachers, especially at the high school level, and that the coverage of critical topics like the Bill of Rights, the electoral process, and federalism were “inexplicably cursory.” In other words, it was astounding to the reviewers how little Kentucky’s standards expected students to learn about these crucial topics.

Kentucky’s history standards suffered in many of the same ways. Fordham found that content coverage in the history standards was “erratic” because the standards place an excessive focus on skills without giving students adequate, factual background knowledge about history. The history standards were also criticized for their overly thematic organization, which undermines students' sense of a clear historical sequence of the past.

Fordham’s reviewers recommended that Kentucky’s standards be significantly revised to offer much more specific guidance to teachers, especially at the high school level. Fordham suggests Kentucky’s standards should provide more detail about the powers, organization, and functions of the three branches of government, the Bill of Rights, elections, and federalism. Historical content should be organized chronologically, and students deserve a full introduction to U.S. history at the elementary level.

These findings from the Fordham report line up exactly with my own concerns about Kentucky’s social studies standards. I’ve written previously about how Kentucky’s standards are unhelpfully vague and light on content, and how this opens the door for all manner of problems, and not just to students not knowing enough about our nation’s history.

This is a topic that is especially personal to me, both because I started my career as a middle school social studies teacher and because I served on the Kentucky Board of Education from 2016-2019 and chaired the board’s Curriculum, Instruction, and Assessment Committee that was responsible for reviewing and approving the standards. I provided extensive feedback on these standards and helped shepherd them through the approval process. In fact, the Kentucky Council for the Social Studies recognized me in 2019 with an award for my efforts to get these social studies standards approved.

So why do I now feel like the Fordham Institute may have been too generous in giving these standards a grade of “C?”

At the time I supported these standards mostly because they were infinitely superior to the even vaguer social studies standards that came before them and that went for many years without review or revision. I trusted the teachers who developed these standards using the process developed by the Kentucky Department of Education, and that guidance documents that were still in development would give educators more assistance in how to use them.

And I recognized – and still do – that standards represent a bare minimum expectation of what teachers should present their students. Standards must be supplemented with many curriculum decisions that spell out in far greater detail what students will read, learn, and do, and most of those decisions need to be made at the local level.

But the last year has made me realize that many of the critics of these new standards had it right all along: the standards themselves, while better than before, are still way too vague. There are essential concepts, historical figures, events, and ideas that get no mention at all in Kentucky’s standards.

Meanwhile we have an all-out war on American history underway in K12 education, and it started long before people took notice of the role critical theory was playing in the decisions teachers make about what students get taught and how. We saw the fruits of it on display in the media and in America’s streets over the last year, with statues of abolitionists like Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses Grant being torn down by mobs while authorities did nothing, and ideologically driven pseudo-history like the 1619 Project widely promoting the idea that America’s founding principles are illegitimate and its institutions irredeemably racist.

America is so deeply divided, in part, because American civics and history has been poorly taught and because, in some cases, it is being deliberately mis-taught to indoctrinate students in radical, inaccurate, and negative attitudes toward our country for the express purpose of promoting a Marxist transformation of our economy, politics, and culture.

Improving state social studies standards will not, by itself, fix this problem. In the long run, we need far more transparency about what is being taught in our schools and how, and for parents and the public to be far more engaged with educators in discussions about those topics. But as a bare minimum, Kentuckians should insist core concepts like the Bill of Rights – and essential figures like Abraham Lincoln, should have a place in our classrooms.

It’s time for Kentucky’s lawmakers to heed the kind of feedback the Thomas B. Fordham Institute has provided in their new report and insist that improvements be made.

Update: A posted a video on this topic as an abbreviated presentation of this topic:

 

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Equity and diversity are good; CRT is not

Evidently the crowd at last night's meeting of the Jefferson County Public Schools Board of Education got rowdy, with many attendees showing up to voice their concerns about how critical race theory (CRT) is being presented in the district's schools.

The board was meeting in a work session to discuss development of the district's strategic plan, slated for approval this December. CRT wasn't specifically on the agenda, but the strategic plan does include "racial equity" as a key component. This led some members of the media, who have persistently misrepresented parent concerns about CRT, to insist yet again that opposition to critical race theory is really just opposition to diversity and equity efforts in schools. JCPS Superintendent Marty Pollio seemed to share or reinforce this view when he told the media, "We are looking at racial equity, which essentially means what does a kid need to be successful and providing that to them. It's not about holding anyone else back."

I wasn't at the meeting and I haven't talked to any of the parents in attendance, but as an educator who has been writing about this issue for nearly a year, I can say emphatically that concerns about how CRT is being presented are perfectly legitimate. A focus on equity is good and appropriate - as long as it doesn't take the assumptions of critical race theory as fact.

What is equity?

In one of my first essays on this topic, I wrote about how I approach the issue of equity in my own teaching. (As always, when I write or speak on current events or public policy issues, I am speaking strictly for myself and not WKU or anyone affiliated with the university). Equity is one of the major themes of WKU's school principal certification program. The way I frame it to my students (all of them adult teachers who are training to become administrators) is this: "For every decision we make or policy we implement, how is this decision or policy impacting our most vulnerable students?

This is an extremely important lens because of our long-standing pattern of achievement gaps between white and minority students, students with and without disabilities, students from low-income households and those who are not, and so on. We educators have a moral imperative to confront these historical differences in student achievement and ask ourselves how we got here. To some extent, implicit biases about how students learn and what they are capable of may be at work, and in that regard we need to confront whether our expectations differ and how we are delivering resources and instructional quality to students. Equity means setting a high bar for every student and then providing the instruction and support each student needs to meet those expectations. 

In my experience I have never met a single educator who resisted or rejected that goal. They might wonder how we can effectively achieve it. They might struggle over the appropriate strategies to pursue. They might quibble over whether proficiency is ever possible for every student - largely because of factors that are out of the control of educators (and often the students themselves), like disabilities and the immense learning barriers posed by poverty. They may be unaware of their own low expectations toward students. But they readily agree that we need to do better by all of our students and are eager to work together to figure out how.

I sometimes have my students read authors who operate from a critical theory lens to help them consider these issues from a different perspective. But that's the key - CRT in my classes is a perspective on the issue of equity. Not the only perspective and certainly not one that I treat as a given fact. 

How CRT actually undermines equity efforts

And this is exactly why so many people are concerned about how CRT is working its way into our schools. It's not so much that CRT is being taught. It's that some of the key assumptions of CRT are being regarded by educators as facts and that the lens of CRT is shaping the way they select instructional materials and how they are being presented in classrooms. 

These problematic assumptions include CRT's tendency to view every group outcome difference as the result of racism (with no other options permitted to be considered), to reduce individuals to their membership in racial or social groups and assign oppressor or victim status accordingly, and to view every institution of American society - in fact to view the entire American experiment - as irredeemingly racist. 

This is not a caricature of critical race theory. These are core assumptions of the theory itself and explicitly shape the way it is presented in various equity and diversity training sessions to educators and in how it is presented to children in classrooms.

Last summer I wrote (here and here) about the Kentucky Department of Education's new training materials, designed to help teachers implement the state's social studies standards using an "inquiry" design. Many of the examples of "guiding questions" provided in these materials reveal a deeply biased political and ideological perspective. These guiding questions are presented to students in ways that implicitly limit the range of views students can consider about complex social problems and guide them toward specific conclusions - ones that often align with a critical theory perspective.

JCPS leaders can say "we aren't teaching critical race theory in our schools" but that doesn't mean these kinds of biases aren't seeping into classrooms in various ways, and parents have every right to be upset about it.

Critical theory, presented this way, doesn't just leave students with an overly-simplified, biased, and sometimes outright false understanding of American history and its social, political, and economic problems. CRT also makes it harder for adults in schools to have a meaningful conversation about equity issues. By reducing the entire issue to racism, by dividing teachers and students according to their skin color and assigning oppressor and victim status, the kinds of collaborative work meant to help improve learning for all students is actually undermined.

It's also legitimate to ask JCPS why the focus on equity is strictly about "racial" equity? Obviously the district serves a large percentage of students of color and closing racial achievement gaps should be a top priority. But if equity is really about giving every student what they need to be successful...then shouldn't that apply to students of every skin color? It's these ambiguous ways that equity is presented that give parents and ordinary citizens pause about what the district's agenda really is.

How districts can better address equity and the CRT question

If the leaders of JCPS (or any district) want to reassure parents that critical race theory isn't being "taught" in the district's schools, there are some straightforward things they can say (and mean):

  • "JCPS is committed to addressing equity issues for every student who needs more help and support, regardless of their skin color."
  • "JCPS rejects any perspective that divides educators or students based on skin color or that assigns victim or oppressor status to educators or students based simply on their skin color."
  • "JCPS is committed to providing a full and rich, developmentally appropriate presentation of America's history and our current social problems to our students in an unbiased way that addresses multiple perspectives and nurtures in students both a love and appreciation for America and her achievements and a commitment to continue to help Americans live more fully according to the nation's founding ideals."
  • "JCPS is committed to transparency about curriculum and instruction and a full engagement with parents and the community about what is taught in our schools and how."
  • "JCPS teachers are expected to exhibit the highest degree of professionalism; students should be largely unaware of a teacher's political or ideological biases."

Robert Pondiscio, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, recently summed up the core concerns with critical race theory and its proper place within K-12 schools in a comprehensive overview of this topic for Commentary magazine:

Public education succeeds or fails at one principal task: A school either imparts the knowledge, skills, and dispositions needed to smooth the transition to a responsible and satisfying adult life, or it does not. In concert with other institutions (families, churches, the military, et al.), an American school can consciously inspire children to play a part in building a more perfect union. Or it can say, in effect, don’t bother. Hardened into orthodoxy, critical race theory insists on the latter. When it demands a place of privilege in our schools, it undermines the very purpose of public education. It is the opposite of welcoming children into the civic sphere; it preaches resistance to it and even its destruction.

To be clear, there is nothing inherently wrong with ethnic studies, “culturally responsive pedagogy,” or even critical race theory in public schools. No reasonable objection should be made or accepted to the earnest desire for black and brown students—American children—to see their histories and cultures woven firmly into their education. Nor should any excuse be made to elide our country’s painful history of racism and injustices, or to confront places where there remains room for progress. What schools cannot do while maintaining public support and legitimacy is to abide any kind of racial essentialism or insist that children are required to combat “whiteness.” Schools should not seek to impose an ideology that distills all of history and every human endeavor to a struggle between oppressors and the oppressed. 

It should be relatively easy for districts to reject the pernicious assumptions of critical race theory and still maintain their commitment to equity - and enjoy broad public support in doing so - unless district leaders really do endorse and want to advance those assumptions.

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1776 Commission Report confronts challenges to America's founding principles

The 1776 Commission, established by President Trump's executive order last year to promote the teaching of "patriotic" history, issued its first (and most likely final) report earlier this week [link updated since the original has since been removed by the Biden administration]. The document is a powerful articulation of America's founding principles and how they should be regarded in the education of young Americans.

The report is not, however, a "whitewashing" of American history, as alleged by Kentucky Education Commissioner Jason Glass in a tweet, nor is it "racist" as claimed by a CNN headline. In fact, The 1776 Report directly confronts slavery and racism as pernicious threats to America's founding ideals, even as it shows how the principles articulated in the Declaration of Independence - by design - helped usher in the eventual abolition of slavery and energized the struggle for civic rights against the long history of racial discrimination suffered by Black Americans and others throughout our national history.

Neverthless and unsurprisingly, President Biden plans to abolish the 1776 Commission as part of his first executive orders to "advance racial equity." It is certainly the President's prerogative to issue executive orders establishing or abolishing such commissions. But is grossly dishonest on his part and the part of so many others to paint this report as somehow denying the sins of our national past.

In fact, the 1776 Report lays an excellent foundation for a more honest and comprehensive study of American history, and an antidote to the ferociously anti-American attitudes that have increasingly shaped the way history is treated in American classrooms. As I wrote after President Trump announced the formation of this commission, there is nothing wrong with instilling patriotism in our children, along with a critical eye toward our nation's failures to live up to its own ideas. The 1776 Report gets this balance right.

I strongly encourage teachers and school leadership teams to consider using the 1776 Commission Report in designing lessons and curriculum in their social studies classrooms, and I urge parents and local citizens to use the report as a template for what they should expect in their local schools.

In follow up posts I'll have more to say about the report's recommendations on the teaching of history, but for now I just want to summarize its key points, and especially note how it addresses problematic areas of our past like slavery.

After a brief introduction, the report offers two longer sections on the meaning of the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution. The Declaration articulates the core principles of American democracy: that there are eternal, knowable truths, and that among these is the principle that all human beings are endowed by God with dignity and rights which no government can rightfully usurp, and that representative democracy - consent of the governed - is the best way to ensure the preservation of those rights. The framework of the Constitution logically follows from these values. The new American state would be limited in scope and a system of checks and balances would ensure that no coalition, not even a majority, could easily impose its will on the rest of their citizens.

The 1776 Report then acknowledges that there have been threats to both the Founding principles and the American structure of self-government and equality before the law from the very beginning. In turn, the report addresses the institutions and ideologies that have sought to undermine the Founding and deny Americans their rights, including the 20th century evils of fascism and communism. But first the authors confront the most glaring contradiction in American history - slavery and racism. How could it be that America's Founding is worth defending when slavery was not only tolerated but many of the Founders themselves were slaveholders?

This issue has been explored at great length by many other scholars who have challenged the pernicious assertion of the historically inaccurate 1619 Project that America is an irredeemably racist country because of its history of slavery. I won't try to articulate all of the points of response to this claim here, except to note that such false narratives are designed to serve a larger purpose - the demolition of the American experiment itself.

The 1776 Report lays out the argument for how the Founders were fully aware of the contradiction between the Declaration and the existence of slavery and how they deliberately created a unified national government committed to principles that would eventually lead to slavery's abolition, which is exactly what happened. These facts of history do not in any way excuse the evil of slavery or the personal moral culpability of those who participated in it, including the Founders themselves. But just as Americans bear the shame of this past, we should acknowledge and celebrate the core values of the American Founding itself that made slavery completely unsustainable for long. The Commission writes:

Comprising actions by imperfect human beings, the American story has its share of missteps, errors, contradictions, and wrongs. These wrongs have always met resistance from the clear principles of the nation, and therefore our history is far more one of self sacrifice, courage, and nobility. America’s principles are named at the outset to be both universal—applying to everyone—and eternal: existing for all time. The remarkable American story unfolds under and because of these great principles.

Of course, neither America nor any other nation has perfectly lived up to the universal truths of equality, liberty, justice, and government by consent. But no nation before America ever dared state those truths as the formal basis for its politics, and none has strived harder, or done more, to achieve them.

Only a Leftist driven by the divisive and destructive ideology of critical theory could consider this measured and balanced presentation of American history to be racist.

But the 1776 Report does include other material that Americans on the political left will dislike, for other reasons. The authors explore how communism, which American progressives since the 1960's have made light of, posed an existential threat to America's core values of individual dignity and human rights. They also argue - accurately - that political progressivism itself is based on a fundamental abhorrence of the idea that the Constitution is itself worthy of defense and preservation, but rather must be constantly re-interpreted (in the image of the Progressive mindset, of course) with each new generation, an idea the Founders would have rejected as inevitably leading to mobocracy and tyranny.

Finally, the 1776 Report identifies critial race theory and identity politics of all kinds as the most contemporary and dangerous threat to America's Founding principles:

As American history teaches, dividing citizens into identity groups, especially on the basis of race, is a recipe for stoking enmity among all citizens. It took the torrent of blood spilled in the Civil War and decades of subsequent struggles to expunge [John C.] Calhoun’s idea of group hierarchies from American public life. Nevertheless, activists pushing identity politics want to resuscitate a modified version of his ideas, rejecting the Declaration’s principle of equality and defining Americans once again in terms of group hierarchies. They aim to make this the defining creed of American public life, and they have been working for decades to bring it about.

Finally, the 1776 Report affirms the place that religion - and religious liberty - has played in shaping the national character and how stable, strong, intact families and vibrant local communities have provided the structure that makes American democracy work. For those who reject the idea of eternal truths, traditional values, or that Americans have much to be proud of and believe that there is more that unites than divides us, the 1776 Report will indeed be divisive and challenging. But for Americans who still believe that the Founding principles are exactly what our divided and uncertain times need, the 1776 Commission has done extremely valuable work. 

This is precisely what our schools need right now - an approach to history that nurtures both memory of our shared past, including its failures - and a living hope for the future based on the promises our Founders made that are just as true and inspiring today.

In future posts I'll explore this document in greater depth, and discuss its applications in classrooms and beyond. Read the 1776 Commission Report for yourself, here.

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